14. The Decline of a Minority:
The Transylvanian Saxons under Communist Rule (1944–1989)

Hannelore Baier

14.1.3 Political Deprivation of Rights

In preparation for the peace conference and efforts to regain Northern Transylvania, which had been ceded to Hungary as a result of the Second Vienna Arbritation, the Statute on Nationalities was passed on February 6, 1945, granting broad rights to national minorities. Installed under Soviet pressure on March 6, 1945, the Petru Groza government supplemented the statute with decrees that provided penalties for violations and replaced the "derogatory" term "minority" with "co-inhabiting nationality." Until the end of 1948, Romanian Germans were not recognized as a "co-inhabiting nationality."

Between 1944 and 1948, individuals of German origin were denied the right of association enjoyed by other nationalities. Prominent interwar politicians as well as Social Democrats or trade unionists attempted to establish organizations and associations for the purpose of political representation. In Hermannstadt (Sibiu), the Social Democrat Rudolf Mayer had founded the Saxon Democratic Anti-Fascist People's Association (*Sächsischer Demokratisch-Antifaschistischer Volksverband*); in December 1946, he received an order to cease its activities (Baier 1996: 74–78).

Romanian citizens of German ethnicity were excluded from the general elections of 1946.

14.1.4 Consequences for the Social Structure and Transformation of the Community

Until the end of the Second World War, around 75% of Germans in Romania were employed in agriculture (Gündisch 1998: 227). As a result of the agrarian reform, almost all of them were expropriated of their entire property. Some worked for a share of the harvest on their former fields for the new owners; younger people, in particular, found work on construction sites or in urban factories. Depending on the distance to their places of origin, they either commuted to work or settled in the cities.

In the 1956 census, the proportion of Germans employed in agriculture was only 22%—compared to 58.4% for the total population. While Transylvanian Saxons had traditionally been characterized by self-employment, by the 1950s—partly due to the expropriation of workshops—only about 14% remained self-employed (Gündisch 1998: 227). In the 1956 census, 57.2% of Romanian Germans identified as workers—more than double the national average of 23.7%. Furthermore, nearly 50% of Germans lived in cities by this time—compared to 31% of the overall population (Poledna 2018: 261f, 279). Internal Communist Party documentation based on the 1966 census stated the percentage of German workers at 58% (national average: 40%) and of farmers at 20% (national average: 43.8%) (ANR: CC al PCR, 36/1974, 8).

As a result of the agrarian reform, a process of social and occupational restructuring took root, which affected the Transylvanian Saxon community more profoundly than the rest of the population. The traditional agrarian way of life gave way to a new daily and working rhythm, settling in cities led to a loosening of traditional social structures, and changes emerged in housing and everyday culture as well as in customs (Gündisch 1998: 227).

14.2 Minority, Educational, and Cultural Policy

14.2.1 Recognition as a "Co-inhabiting Nationality"

 The granting of civil rights and recognition as a "co-inhabiting nationality," referred to as "rehabilitation," began following the adoption of the resolution of the 2nd Plenary Assembly of the Central Committee (CC) of the Communist Party on June 10–11, 1948, and the Politburo's resolution on the national question in December 1948. In line with Stalinist policy on nationalities, members of the German minority were recognized as a "co-inhabiting nationality": they received civil and broad cultural rights, but as communities they were granted neither the organizational and economic independence nor the rights of self-determination that they had possessed over centuries. Henceforth, they were subjected to the same measures aimed at integration into the socialist Romanian unified nation as the rest of the population, which entailed surveillance, harassment, and coercion.

On February 13, 1949, the German Anti-Fascist Committee (Deutsches Antifaschistisches Komitee – DAK) was founded. Its press organ, the nationwide distributed German-language daily newspaper Neuer Weg, appeared one month later. Created as an instrument of the Communist Party to ensure the integration of the German communities into the workers' and peasants' state, the DAK also campaigned, within the bounds of possibility, for the improvement of the situation of Romanian Germans. The spokespersons and functionaries of the DAK came from the ranks of Communist Party members or were trade unionists, some of whom had been imprisoned during the war years alongside leading Romanian Communist Party members. The DAK was dissolved at the beginning of 1953 against the backdrop of Stalin's antisemitic paranoia.

Following the dissolution of the DAK, commissions established within the CC of the RKP (Romanian Communist Party) addressed issues concerning co-inhabiting nationalities. National minorities did not receive their own organizations again until November 1968; in the case of the Germans, this was the Council of Workers of German Nationality (*Rat der Werktätigen deutscher Nationalität*). Its long-standing chairman was Eduard Eisenburger (1928–1990), who as a youth had experienced the evacuation from Northern Transylvania, deportation to the Soviet Union, and expropriation, and had since become a member of the CC of the RKP and the State Council (Baier 2014: 121–143).

Following their recognition as a "co-inhabiting nationality," Romanian Germans were allowed to participate in elections in 1950. Transylvanian Saxons were also "elected" to local councils (Volksräte). In practice, this involved delegating pre-screened individuals according to the percentage representation of Germans in the respective settlement or administrative unit. Many individuals of "healthy social origin" asserted themselves professionally and gradually received responsible positions (Baier 2026: 273f).

The decision to remedy several errors committed against Germans in the course of the agrarian reform was taken by the Politburo of the CC of the Communist Party in September 1953. A decree was envisioned under which land from the state reserve would be made available for distribution to expropriated peasants to enable them to join Agricultural Production Cooperatives (LPGs). Furthermore, houses were to be returned to those with employee status. Decree No. 81 was passed on March 18, 1954; however, it was not until May 22, 1956, that the Politburo once again agreed to the restitution of houses and the allocation of land parcels to form LPGs. Thereafter, the restitution of houses proceeded sluggishly. Buildings housing state institutions were not returned, nor were properties restored to individuals considered former "exploitative elements" (Baier 2005: 147–154, 160f).

14.2.2 Educational and Cultural Policy

Even during the years of political deprivation of rights, the Transylvanian Saxons possessed limited cultural rights. German-language instruction was able to take place in schools that were once again under the administration of the EKR and were recognized as denominational schools by a 1946 decree of the Ministry of Education. However, they were viewed with suspicion by the new authorities, as teachers, books, and teaching methods dated back to the period of the DViR (Jikeli 2007: 76–81).

Following the nationalization of the education system in August 1948, German-language schools passed into state administration, but were preserved as independent educational institutions or as departments with German as the language of instruction within Romanian schools. From then on, instruction was based on a curriculum issued by the Ministry of Education that conformed to state ideology. In the course of the "rehabilitation" of the German minority, the education system with German as the language of instruction was expanded. According to Communist Party statistics, during the 1973/1974 school year, a total of 60,467 children attended 333 kindergartens, 360 primary and secondary schools (grades 1–8), 17 high schools (grades 9–12), and one pedagogical high school with German as the language of instruction. German-language vocational schools had been abolished (ANR: CC al PCR, 36/1974, 8f).

While Soviet influence had initially shaped educational and cultural policy, a return to national Romanian cultural values—framed as de-Stalinization—began in the late 1950s. In this context, German schools were merged with Romanian schools starting in the 1959/1960 school year (Jikeli 2007: 96). Further measures included assigning university graduates who did not speak German as teachers to German-language schools. Furthermore, as a result of the increasing emigration of German-speaking teachers, the number of subjects not taught in the mother tongue grew.
Initially, only translations of Soviet literature or works of proletarian culture were published in German. Following a meeting organized in Bucharest in 1954 with Romanian German authors and intellectuals regarding orientation in cultural work, interwar authors were published once again. Likewise, broad support for authentic values in literature, art, and customs set in. However, these developments were largely reversed in the course of the establishment of national communism and subsequently Nicolae Ceaușescu's "homogenization policy."

Under Stalinism, cultural rights were granted to make propaganda in one's native language effective through instrumentalized content. State-controlled native-language schooling and publications were intended to create the prerequisite for as deep an ideological penetration as possible and to win over parts of the population for the "new social order." Because this "re-education" began among the Transylvanian Saxons after several years of blanket discrimination—years during which resistance to state decrees had grown and a return to the values of the interwar period had taken place—the impact of this official policy remained minimal.

14.3 The Evangelical Church of Augustan Confession (A.C.) in Romania and the Transylvanian Saxon Cultural Heritage

14.3.1 The Evangelical Church of Augustan Confession (A.C)  in Romania

In August 1948, the new Law on Religious Denominations (Decree No. 177) was issued, under which only those religious communities were recognized that submitted to state control. The Evangelical Church of Augustan Confession in Romania (EKR, Evangelische Kirche Rumäniens) adjusted its church constitution and was recognized as a religious denomination. Thus, it was able to offer refuge and assistance to communities primarily consisting of Transylvanian Saxons. However, as an institution acting in opposition to the ideological principles of the communist state, the EKR was subjected to close surveillance and attempted paternalism. Because it stood in the way of atheist, totalitarian policy as an institution fostering identity and preserving cohesion, communist propaganda viewed it as the main obstacle to the integration of the Transylvanian Saxons into the communist transformation process of society and harassed it (Baier 2022: 49–54).

To enable the continuation of traditions, Bishop Friedrich Müller (1945–1969) instructed pastors to re-establish the traditional church-affiliated forms of organization for youth—brotherhoods and sisterhoods (Bruder- und Schwesternschaften)—and married couples—neighborhood associations (Nachbarschaften)—which had been partially dissolved by the DViR. In response to prohibition orders by the communist state, he cited Paragraph 20, Article 5 of the church constitution approved by the Council of Ministers. This stipulated that pastors were to "take care of the moral and religious education of youth within the framework of the Evangelical Church of Augustan Confession in the Romanian People's Republic according to its teachings and traditions" (Baier 2022: 114–116).

In 1949, the Evangelical Theological Institute was founded as a branch of the United Protestant Institute in Klausenburg (Cluj), where Evangelical pastors—who had previously been educated abroad—thenceforth received their training. In 1955, the bishop's residence in Hermannstadt (Sibiu), which had been requisitioned in 1945, was returned to the EKR. Henceforth, it housed the official residence of the bishop as well as the pastoral training center (Baier 2022: 41, 75).

14.3.2 The Transylvanian Saxon Cultural Heritage

The use of churches and fortified churches as religious institutions promoted their maintenance and saved them from decay. Renovations of church complexes were also funded by the state. Despite state control, intangible cultural heritage was passed on through school instruction as well as in the revived brotherhoods, sisterhoods, and neighborhood associations, and was taken along during resettlement to the Federal Republic of Germany, where it continues to be cultivated.

On the part of the state, intangible cultural heritage was supported within the research institute founded in Hermannstadt (Sibiu) in 1956 under the Romanian Academy, which focused on researching the history and traditions of Germans in Romania. Within this framework, a team worked on editing the Transylvanian Saxon Dictionary (Siebenbürgisch-Sächsisches Wörterbuch), while also recording legends, fairy tales, and dialect texts through field research. Historiography was ideologically influenced; however, research into medieval topics as well as valuable literary studies were also conducted. The results of these and other research projects were published not only in books, but also in the institute’s academic journal, Forschungen zur Volks- und Landeskunde, published since 1958.

In addition to the daily newspaper Neuer Weg, the weekly Volkszeitung appeared in Kronstadt (Brașov) starting in 1957. Following the administrative-territorial reorganization of Romania into counties in 1968, it was renamed Karpatenrundschau, and the Hermannstädter Zeitung was founded in Hermannstadt. The latter had to be renamed Die Woche in 1970 following a ban on using place names that did not phonetically or semantically match the Romanian names. Alongside compulsory official content, all of these publications published a wide range of contributions on cultural preservation and tradition. Furthermore, the Kriterion Publishing House was established in 1969, publishing books exclusively in the languages of the co-inhabiting nationalities and offering a wide range of high-quality literature in German, particularly in the 1970s (Baier 2026: 276f).

In 1956, the German department at the Hermannstadt (Sibiu) State Theater resumed its performances. Its repertoire included not only theatrical works of German classicism but also dialect plays and performances.

Traditional festivals were revived starting in the late 1950s. While costume groups and folk dance ensembles had initially been used for propaganda purposes as a sign of the "fraternization of peoples" and the granting of minority rights, festivals such as the Crown Festival (Kronenfest), the Urzellauf (Urzeln parade), and the Whitsun Queen (Pfingstkönigin), among others, were allowed to be held again in the 1960s.

In 1976, the communist mass cultural festival "Praise to You, Romania" (Cântarea României) was established, within the framework of which additional choirs, theater groups, and folk dance groups were formed in the German language or dialect. Although this cultural activity was monitored and patronized by the propaganda department, thereby hindering the free expression of authentic cultural values, the language and cultural heritage were nevertheless able to be preserved (Baier 2026: 276f).

14.4 Persecution by the Securitate

In addition to the surveillance and paternalism of the German communities by Communist Party structures, surveillance was also conducted by the security services. Motives included their political and social past, efforts to seek independent ways to articulate the minority's identity issues (Țârău 2014: 178), as well as contacts with the "imperialist" West. From the 1970s onwards, efforts to emigrate were added to these factors (Moldovan 2014: 134–146).

Within the structures of the Securitate, established in 1948 (as in the Siguranța prior to that), there were departments and officers responsible for national minorities within the Directorate for Internal Surveillance (Oprea 2008: 51f). In the 1950s and 1960s, Romanian Germans were monitored and persecuted under the designation "German nationalists" (naționaliști germani) and later as "fascist German nationalists" (naționaliști fasciști germani) (Moldovan 2014: 137). In the eyes of the Securitate, the German minority remained a nationalist and fascist threat due to its political past. Surveillance and prosecution files were created for members of the Nazi workforce (NS-Arbeiterschaft)—whose index cards had been found—or for officeholders in the structures of the DViR, which were repeatedly reconstituted up into the 1970s.

Among Transylvanian Saxons, membership in the traditional brotherhoods, sisterhoods, and neighborhood associations provided grounds for surveillance. Organized according to their own statutes, they were interpreted by the Securitate as "secret organizations" or "mystical-nationalist" activity (Baier 2022: 62). Persecutions, arrests, and trials took place in the early 1950s against former political activists or property owners based on ideologically motivated attributions of guilt (Țârău 175–178). In the context of measures aimed at intimidating and "disciplining" society following the 1956 Hungarian Uprising, show trials were staged. The most sensational were the "Black Church" trial involving the Kronstadt city pastor Konrad Möckel (Möckel 2011: 296–311) and the "Writers' Trial" (Schriftsteller-Prozess) (Motzan/Sienerth 1993: 301–403).

14.5 Family Reunification and Buyout

 As a result of the turmoil of war, as well as the ban on former members of the Waffen-SS and, for a time, refugees returning to the country, there were numerous families after the Second World War whose members lived separated by the Iron Curtain. Initially, there was both a desire to return home and a desire to bring family members remaining in Romania to Germany or Austria. Individuals who were subject to persecution and discrimination due to their political or social past then attempted to emigrate. In the 1950s, acting as a representative of the Central Legal Protection Office (Zentrale Rechtsschutzstelle) in the Federal Foreign Office, the lawyer Ewald Garlepp attempted to obtain exit permits in exchange for foreign currency payments, in cooperation with Securitate personnel posing as lawyers (Dobre et al. 2011: 53–62; Baier/Meinhardt 2013: 23–39).

Efforts to reunite families separated by the Iron Curtain intensified with the onset of the organization of homeland associations  in Germany. Their spokespersons urged German politicians to address the issue in bilateral talks with the Romanian side, especially since a legal basis existed for this: according to Article 16, Paragraph 1 of the Basic Law (Grundgesetz) of the Federal Republic of Germany of 1949, "ethnic Germans" (Volksdeutsche) without German citizenship could be granted equal status with German citizens; the 1955 Law Regulating Questions of Nationality and the Federal Expellee Law (Bundesvertriebenengesetz) clarified the status of resettlers (Aussiedler) also in the case of Romanian citizens of German ethnicity. Representatives of the Committee on Eastern European Economic Relations (Ostausschuss der Deutschen Wirtschaft) repeatedly brought up family reunification during economic talks between Romania and the Federal Republic of Germany and offered foreign currency payments (Baier/Meinhardt 2013: 26, 159–163).

For the independent course from the Soviet Union pursued since 1964, Romania required foreign currency and was interested in economic cooperation with the Federal Republic of Germany. In the context of the resumption of diplomatic relations, signed on January 30, 1967, family reunification was also to be settled. In the autumn of 1967, the Federal Government commissioned the lawyer Heinz-Günther Hüsch, on behalf of the Federal Ministry for Expellees, Refugees and War Victims, to explore the possibilities of increasing the number of resettlers and establishing a regulated procedure. Following initial verbal agreements, secret accords were signed by Hüsch and his Romanian negotiating partner—always a high-ranking Securitate officer—without naming a government authority. While individual persons had been "bought out" prior to 1968, negotiated sums were paid from then on for specified numbers of people.

Over the years, the German side attempted to increase the number of emigrants, while Romania demanded higher sums per emigrant and other forms of compensation. Initially, buyout payments were fixed according to the category (education, age) of the emigrants; starting with the 1978 agreement, a per-capita flat rate was agreed upon. It rose from 4,000 DEM at that time to 8,950 DEM in the final agreement of 1988, which additionally provided for 390 DEM in travel costs for each emigrant. In the first written agreement of 1969, the emigration of 3,000 persons was stipulated, for whom between 1,700 and 10,000 DEM was paid per person; by 1988, the annual emigration of at least 14,000 persons was envisioned. The increase in the number of emigrants occurred in exchange for the delivery of passenger cars or other goods, and from 1973 onwards against quarterly interest subsidy payments of 8 million DEM (Baier/Meinhardt 2013: 84–88, 179–184). In order to obtain exit documents, many families paid bribes of several thousand DEM to individuals acting on behalf of the Securitate.

In Romania, Decree 253 was passed in 1955, granting recognition of civil rights and immunity from prosecution, thereby enabling the return of those who had remained beyond the Iron Curtain following the turmoil of war. Few Romanian Germans returned to the country. In official discourse, emphasis was placed on broad minority rights and the role of the German minority in social and economic life. Emigration efforts were condemned as being fueled by Western propaganda, and those wishing to leave were accused of disloyalty. In an attempt to stem the desire to emigrate, a decree was issued in 1974 requiring prospective emigrants to "sell" their houses and apartments to the state, which set the amount of compensation. From 1982 onwards, the houses of those who had left were allocated to people from other parts of the country or to large families. Individuals who had applied for emigration were relieved of their teaching duties or positions of responsibility. Under State Decree 402/1982, prospective emigrants were not only required to surrender all property to the state but also to reimburse all expenses incurred for their education and other costs. Application of this decree was waived after the Federal Republic increased its payments. Perceived as harassment, these measures only served to fuel the desire to emigrate. As a result of the agreements negotiated by Heinz-Günther Hüsch with Romanian negotiating partners between 1968 and 1989, approximately 210,000 people emigrated (Baier/Meinhardt 2013: 179). In total, over 240,000 Romanian Germans left Romania during the years of the communist dictatorship. 

14.6 Conclusion

The course pursued by Romanian governments regarding the German minority during the final years of the war and the immediate post-war years was attributable not so much to deliberate intention as to indecision, frequent shifts, and, above all, dependency on the Soviet Union. The "solution" to the German question took place within the framework of Soviet concepts regarding policy toward national minorities: Romanian Germans were collectively punished as "Germans" and deprived of political—though not cultural—rights; they lost property and autonomy and were subsequently subjected to the restructuring process of society as a whole, that is, communist alignment (Gleichschaltung). They retained the status of "co-inhabiting nationality" until the political transition of 1989.

The policy of communist Romania was generally at times more restrictive, at times more permissive; toward the German minority, the stance throughout the entire period (1948–1989) remained volatile and duplicitous. Years of discrimination were followed by a period of granting broad cultural rights, which was perceived as "rehabilitation" and liberalization. Parallel to this, persecution, arrests, and internment in prisons or forced labor camps took place on account of social origin, political past, or contacts with Western countries.

Family reunification was officially rejected and obstructed, yet developed into a lucrative source of foreign currency income for the state. The year 1944 is perceived by the Transylvanian Saxons as a rupture in the history of the community. However, the years of persecution and discrimination "as Germans" or on account of real or alleged Nazi involvement led to a strengthening of national consciousness and a sense of belonging to the German nation and state. The distrust directed toward them, the unfounded surveillance and discrimination against those who did not toe the party line, and subsequently the food, goods, and energy shortages in the 1980s fueled the desire to leave. The final years of the dictatorship intensified this desire to such a degree that a true exodus took place following the opening of the borders in late December 1989. The number of Transylvanian Saxons living in Romania in 2026 is estimated at 12,000–15,000. 

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